The Government is trying to reduce access to Courts so as to minimise the Court’s impact on on its hostile environment. These are some important examples of why people continue to need access to the Courts, and the Courts need to retain their power to examine decisions made.
Updated 12 April 2022: Free Movement: Afghan boy unlawfully removed from UK for 18 months can claim damages
The Court of Appeal has held that the unlawful removal of a vulnerable Afghan child and the 18 months of disruption to his private life entitled him to damages under the Human Rights Act 1998 and under EU law. The case is QH (Afghanistan) v Secretary of State for the Home Department  EWCA Civ 421
Updated 10 April 2022: Guardian: ‘Cruel’ move to deport charity worker from UK overruled
Home Office criticised by tribunal over its decision to send Anthonell Peccoo from Britain to Jamaica
An immigration tribunal has overturned a “cruel and morally wrong” decision by the Home Office to deport a well-respected black charity volunteer who grew up in the UK.
The tribunal ruled last week that Anthonell Peccoo, who arrived in London when he was six years old and spent most of his life in Bristol, would have his right to a family and private life infringed if he was deported to Jamaica.
The judges said deportation would mean “exiling” Peccoo, 27, from the only country he has ever known, leaving him “an outsider” in Jamaica. “He has no family, friends or acquaintances in Jamaica. He has no recollection of the country at all. He has never been there since leaving at aged two. He was schooled in the UK and completed his education in the UK from age six to 18,” states the ruling. “He has known no other country.”
Read more: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2022/apr/09/home-office-move-to-deport-charity-worker-anthonell-peccoo-overruled
25 March 2022: DPG: High Court finds Home Office policy of blanket seizures of migrants’ mobile phones unlawful
In a landmark judgment today the High Court found the Home Office’s blanket policy of seizing mobile phones from all migrants entering the UK by small boat to be unlawful. The policy, operated during 2020, resulted in the seizure of nearly 2000 phones from affected migrants, the indiscriminate downloading of their data, and the retention of the phones for many months, resulting in the affected people being unable to contact family or access asylum documentation they had brought with them. Our clients, along with others, brought a judicial review of the practice – first to get their phones back and then to test whether what the Home Office was doing was lawful at all.
The High Court has ruled today that the phones “were seized and retained unlawfully” and that:
- “The [Home Office is unable to establish that the claimants were searched” using the statutory power relied on (para 54);
- A second statutory power (s48 Immigration Act 2016) “does not authorise a search of the person” for phones or other items (para 88);
- “the seizure and retention of the claimants’ mobile phones violated the claimants’ Article 8 [Human Rights Act 1998] rights” (para 135);
- “the relevant conduct did not have a lawful basis for the purpose of the Data Protection Act 2018. Moreover, the relevant Data Protection Impact Assessments, undertaken by the defendant, were not lawful because…the Assessments did not properly assess the risks” (para 34);
- Keeping phones “for a minimum period of three months…was capable of giving rise to a disproportionate interference with ECHR rights and data protection legislation” (para 35);
- “the data extraction policy unlawfully purported to permit the complete extraction of data from every mobile telephone and so was contrary to the ECHR and the 2018 Act” (para 35);
- Compelling PIN numbers from the affected persons was unlawful and the policy “required the officers to commit this specific unlawful act on multiple occasions against multiple people” (para 36)
Many of these points were effectively conceded by the Home Office in the face of the legal challenge, as the court records in its judgment.
Read more: https://dpglaw.co.uk/high-court-finds-home-office-policy-of-blanket-seizures-of-migrants-mobile-phones-unlawful/
24 March 2022: From Freemovement: Court of Appeal Dismisses Priti Patel’s Appeal In Test Case Brought by a Victim of Modern Slavery
The Court of Appeal has dismissed the Secretary of State’s appeal against the decision on Linden J in R (KTT) v Secretary of State for the Home Department  EWHC 2722 Admin in a judgment which opens the door for the Claimant – and potentially thousands of other victims of modern slavery in the same position – to regularise their status in the UK on a temporary basis, pending final resolution of their protection claims based on fear of being re-trafficked.
Having been trafficked illegally into this country, modern slavery leave is often the only means by victims of modern slavery once freed can be lifted out of the “hostile environment” policy as they endure what is typically multi-year delays in the resolution of their protection claims.
The Court of Appeal held in KTT that Linden J was correct to conclude that it is the Secretary of State’s policy to make decisions on modern slavery leave in accordance with the European Anti-Trafficking Convention. The Secretary of State had materially misdirected herself by applying too stringent a test for granting leave than Article 14 required. Construing the Convention, the Court of Appeal decided that Linden J was correct that pursuit of an asylum claim based on re-trafficking risk is capable of being a “stay” which is “necessary owing to their personal situation” in accordance with Article 14(1)(a) of the Convention.
Read more: : Duncan Lewis, https://rb.gy/y8f9z9
Updated 24 February 2022: via Freemovement: Detention Age Assessment Policy Tightened
On 7 February 2022 the Home Office updated Detention Services Order 02/2019 on Care and management of Post Detention Age claims. This policy sets out the approach to age dispute cases in immigration detention and applies to Home Office staff and its contractors. The last version of the policy (dated August 2019) allowed the department to treat a person as an adult if their “physical appearance and demeanour” very strongly suggested that they were 25 years or over, and there was no credible evidence to the contrary.
The August 2019 policy had been introduced in response to the judgment in BF (Eritrea) v SSHD  EWCA Civ 872, which held that treating a person as an adult if their appearance and demeanour suggested that they are significantly over 18 was unlawful. The Court of Appeal held that this created a real risk of more than a minimal number of children being detained. But this judgment was overturned by the Supreme Court (BF (Eritrea) v SSHD  UKSC 38).
The wording of the policy has now reverted to that which was struck down by the Court of Appeal. It allows the department to treat a person as an adult where two members of staff (one of at least chief immigration officer or higher executive officer rank, or equivalent) separately assess the person as an adult “because their physical appearance and demeanour very strongly suggests they are significantly over 18 years of age and no other credible evidence exists to the contrary”. This will apply to people arriving by boat who are processed in short-term holding facilities and are either transferred to immigration removal centres or asylum support accommodation. The High Court recently held that the fast track age assessments being conducted by Home Office social workers were unlawful. Read more: Freemovement,https://rb.gy/loyx40
Updated 27 January 2022: Guardian: Home Office accused of ‘bullying’ asylum seekers into handing over phones
Judicial review begins in high court accusing government of operating a blanket policy in ‘complete secrecy’
Three asylum seekers brought a case to the high court on Tuesday claiming that the home secretary operated a secret, blanket policy to seize mobile phones from people arriving on small boats and then download the data from them.
The unpublished policy for the handover of the new arrivals’ phones operated between April and November 2020. It is likely to have involved the confiscation of thousands of mobile phones, the court heard.
Opening the case, a judicial review, Tom de La Mare QC, representing one of the three asylum seekers, referred to as HM, told the court that after Home Office officials seized their phones they were “bullied” into handing over their pin numbers so that officials could unlock personal information including emails, photos and videos and download them to an intelligence database called Project Sunshine.
He added that those who had their phones confiscated on arrival in the UK were given a receipt containing a Home Office phone number to call to try to retrieve their phones. Many waited several months before getting their phones back.
[…] Privacy International, an organisation that specialises in data and privacy issues, has been granted permission to intervene in the case.
Read more: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2022/jan/25/home-office-accused-of-bullying-asylum-seekers-into-handing-over-phones
See here for more on Privacy International: https://statusnow4all.org/the-uks-privatised-migration-surveillance-regime-a-rough-guide-for-civil-society/
Updated 17 January 2022: Independent: Home Office threatened to deport asylum seekers for crimes they did not commit
The Home Office has been threatening asylum seekers with deportation for alleged crimes they did not commit, it has emerged.
A Court of Appeal judgment revealed the existence of “notices of liability to detention”, which were handed to migrants crossing the English Channel on small boats.
The documents claimed they were “illegal entrants” and “may be liable to removal or deportation from the United Kingdom”.
[…] But judges said the Home Office had misinterpreted the law and that crossing the Channel by dinghy to seek asylum did not amount to illegal entry.
Evidence revealed during a successful appeal by asylum seekers who were wrongly jailed for steering small boats said “a number of the official documents” had been issued, and caused immigration interviews to “proceed on an erroneous basis”.
Judges found that a “heresy about the law” had originated among Home Office officials and been passed on to prosecutors, defence lawyers and the courts – sparking several unlawful prosecutions.
Read more: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/home-office-asylum-seekers-crime-channel-b1993466.html
Updated 5 October 2021: Guardian: UK asylum seekers in hotels should have been given money for phone calls, judge rules
and here: https://statusnow4all.org/concerns-about-the-use-of-army-barracks/
Thanks to No Deportations – Residence Papers for All: Return of Ouster Clause in Nationality and Borders Bill
Once again, this time in the Nationality and Borders Bill, the Home Office seeks to oust the jurisdiction of Senior Courts from considering an appeal from a first-instance immigration tribunal decision. Its last substantial attempt to do so was the ouster clause it sought unsuccessfully to introduce to the Asylum and Immigration (Treatment of Claimants, etc.) Bill in the 2003-2004 session of Parliament. At that time, it sought to oust statutory appeals and also the jurisdiction of the High Court on Judicial Review.
This time the effort is focused on solely on statutory appeals and is an attempt to exclude appeals to the Court of Appeal. It is still wrong. A first instance tribunal decision on a question of international protection or human rights, involving compliance with international treaty obligations, ought to be capable of appeal, as part of the standard procedure in the UK constitutional order for the rule of law. The Home Office gains nothing by this latest effort. Instead, the rule of law is damaged and the High Court is left to supervise the resulting delinquency if and when it entertains a judicial review against an immigration appeal decision impugned. To understand what is going on, one needs to look at the provision for priority removal notices in the Nationality and Borders Bill.
Read more: Cosmopolis, https://is.gd/FpIuvl
Updated 18 September 2021: Humans for Rights Network ·
We believe the Home Office is breaking the law by using Napier barracks as asylum accommodation and that’s why we are taking @pritipatel to court. In light of the announcement that our Government plans on continuing to use the site to accommodate asylum seekers until 2025, we are left with no other option than to challenge this decision and call for its closure in the courts. Napier barracks is experienced by many held there as a detention camp or prison and was found by the high court to fall short of the minimum standards for asylum accommodation. People seeking safety in the UK should be provided with safe, secure, private accommodation with access to help and support within communities, not held in dilapidated army barracks. Humans for Rights will continue to advocate alongside these men, ensuring no further harm is done to others forced to live there.
Independent: Home Office facing legal battle over decision to continue using ‘prison-like’ barracks to house asylum seekers
Exclusive: Lawyers say Priti Patel has failed to address issues High Court ruled made military site unlawful
The Home Office is facing a legal battle over its plans to use Napier Barracks as asylum accommodation for four years longer than was initially planned.
Lawyers argue that Priti Patel’s decision to use the former military site until 2026, when planning permission was initially granted until 21 September 2021, breaches the law on the basis that she has failed to rectify issues the High Court ruled earlier this year to be unlawful.
Hundreds of asylum seekers were moved into the camp last September, and remained there despite widespread concerns among doctors, charities and lawyers around Covid safety and mental health support.
Independent: West Mids Councils Launch Legal Action Against Home Office Over ‘Unfair’ Asylum Dispersal System
A group of cross-party local council leaders have launched legal action against the Home Office over its “unfair” and ”fundamentally flawed” asylum dispersal system, which they say is leading to vulnerable migrants missing out on vital services. Six local authorities in the west Midlands, plus Tory-led Stoke-on-Trent, have accused the department of an “irrational, undemocratic abuse of power” after it refused to accept their decision to stop taking in asylum seekers.
The asylum dispersal system is designed to allocate asylum seekers to different parts of the UK, into Home Office funded accommodation, while they await a decision on their claim. However, concern has been mounting in recent years that the placement of these individuals is concentrated in certain parts of the country – often towns and cities with higher levels of deprivation – and that this is causing a strain on local services. The councils – Wolverhampton, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry, Walsall, Birmingham, Dudley and Sandwell – said they made up a “small proportion of mainly urban councils in the UK” who take in the bulk of asylum seekers awaiting decisions on their claims.
They wrote a letter to the home secretary in March stating that they had decided to suspend participation in the asylum dispersal scheme because large numbers of people were being placed in areas that already exceed the recommended ratio of one asylum seeker to 200 local residents. The Home Office has contested this decision, and the councils have subsequently taken legal action through the High Court in Birmingham “to resolve this issue”.
Read more: May Bulman, Independent, https://is.gd/S58Ecs
17 August 2021: Thanks to Freemovement: The AM (Zimbabwe) test now applies to destitution too
The ripple effects of Paposhvili v Belgium  ECHR 1113 continue to be felt at the boundary of Article 3 ECHR. In the first reported decision of its kind, the Upper Tribunal has found that the “modified” (for which, read “lowered”) test for Article 3 breach in medical treatment cases – enthusiastically endorsed by the Supreme Court in AM (Zimbabwe)  UKSC 17 – now also applies to so-called “material deprivation” or “living conditions” claims.
Ainte (material deprivation, Art 3, AM) (Zimbabwe)  UKUT 203 (IAC) was an appeal against deportation to Somalia. Mr Ainte argued that his removal to Moghadishu “would result in him facing a real risk of living in conditions of such extreme material deprivation, and so lacking in security, that they would constitute inhuman and degrading treatment under Article 3”.
The headnote states:
i) Said  EWCA Civ 442 is not to be read to exclude the possibility that Article 3 ECHR could be engaged by conditions of extreme material deprivation. Factors to be considered include the location where the harm arises, and whether it results from deliberate action or omission.
(ii) In cases where the material deprivation is not intentionally caused the threshold is the modified N test set out in AM (Zimbabwe)  UKSC 17. The question will be whether conditions are such that there is a real risk that the individual concerned will be exposed to intense suffering or a significant reduction in life expectancy.
In other words, the almost always insuperable threshold imposed by N v UK  ECHR 453 in such cases (“very exceptional”), which reflected an embedded judicial caution towards the expansion of Article 3, has been superseded. Risk on return should be evaluated on the same terms as the Paposhvili test: “intense suffering or a significant reduction in life expectancy”.
That of course has important implications for all appeals where “mere” socio-economic destitution is pleaded. But it also arguably affects the approach to be taken to risk of suicide — putting AXB (Art 3 health: obligations; suicide) Jamaica  UKUT 397 (IAC) under strain — as well as claims grounded in the real risk of mental health deterioration more generally. In the long term, it could chart a way forward in framing human rights protection for those fleeing climate catastrophe.
A new Article 3 paradigm
There are two ways to view this latest step by the Upper Tribunal. First, since the old N test came to be used in a range of non-medical cases, it is entirely logical and consistent that the modified N test created by Paposhvili should likewise assume that role. As the Upper Tribunal puts it (in paragraph 61):
Thus whilst we accept that the Convention has expanded, and that each incremental spurt of growth must be carefully considered, we do not accept that in applying Paposhvili to this case we would materially, or impermissibly, be adding to that growth. We would simply be applying the law within its existing limits. The N threshold has been modified by Paposhvili and AM (Zimbabwe) and it is that less exacting, but nevertheless very high, test that we must apply.
Second, there is something more significant afoot. Article 3 jurisprudence has long travelled uncomfortably on twin tracks. “Paradigm” cases involved the intentional infliction of harm by a state or non-state actor, for which a real risk of ordinary breach would suffice. For “non-paradigm” exceptions, including “near-death” medical claims and the most extreme humanitarian circumstances, the much higher N threshold applied. Limited branch lines out of N were gradually laid with ad hoc judicial justifications: MSS v Greece (a destitution claim not subject to N because of an EU country’s special obligations to asylum seekers, or Sufi & Elmi where humanitarian circumstances were said to flow from the consequences of armed conflict and thus fell within the “spirit” of paradigm Article 3).
The British Government is trying to bring in new legislation to deter solicitors and barristers from making appeals, but the Courts can have a very important impact on decision-making for people who do not have settled status. Other reports are here: https://statusnow4all.org/concerns-about-the-use-of-army-barracks/
and here: https://statusnow4all.org/high-court-finally-calls-time-on-asylum-accommodation-delays/